General Douglas MacArthur, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Admiral Chester W. Nimitz on board the USS Baltimore. Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. 26 July 1944
An accordian player and a mournful crowd at Lafayette Square, located across from the executive mansion, on the day after the President's death
[From page 1 of The New York Times, April 13, 1945]
PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT IS DEAD;
TRUMAN TO CONTINUE POLICIES
End Comes Suddenly at Warm Springs
Even His Family Unaware of Condition as Cerebral Stroke Brings Death to Nation's Leader at 63
ALL CABINET MEMBERS TO KEEP POSTS
Funeral to Be at White House Tomorrow, With Burial at Hyde Park Home - Impact of News Tremendous
By Arthur Krock
Special to The New York Times
Washington, April 12 - Franklin Delano Roosevelt, War President of the United States and the only Chief Executive in history who was chosen for more than two terms, died suddenly and unexpectedly at 4:35 P.M. today at Warm Springs, Ga., and the White House announced his death at 5:48 o'clock. He was 63.
The President, stricken by a cerebral hemorrhage, passed from unconsciousness to death on the eighty-third day of his fourth term and in an hour of high-triumph. The armies and fleets under his direction as Commander in Chief were at the gates of Berlin and the shores of Japan's home islands as Mr. Roosevelt died, and the cause he represented and led was nearing the conclusive phase of success.
Less than two hours after the official announcement, Harry S. Truman of Missouri, the Vice President, took the oath as the thirty-second President. The oath was administered by the Chief Justice of the United States, Harlan F. Stone, in a one-minute ceremony at the White House. Mr. Truman immediately let it be known that Mr. Roosevelt's Cabinet is remaining in office at his request, and that he had authorized Secretary of State Edward R. Stettinius Jr. to proceed with plans for the United Nations Conference on international organization at San Francisco, scheduled to begin April 25. A report was circulated that he leans somewhat to the idea of a coalition Cabinet, but this is unsubstantiated.
Funeral Tomorrow Afternoon
It was disclosed by the White House that funeral services for Mr. Roosevelt would take place at 4 P.M. (E.W.T.) Saturday in the East Room of the Executive Mansion. The Rev. Angus Dun, Episcopal Bishop of Washington; the Rev. Howard S. Wilkinson of St. Thomas's Church in Washington and the Rev. John G. McGee of St. John's in Washington will conduct services.
The body will be interred at Hyde Park, N.Y., Sunday, with the Rev. George W. Anthony of St. James Church officiating. The time has not yet been fixed.
Jonathan Daniels, White House secretary, said Mr. Roosevelt's body would not lie in state. He added that, in view of the limited size of the East Room, which holds only about 200 persons, the list of those attending the funeral services would be limited to high Government officials, representatives of the membership of both houses of Congress, heads of foreign missions, and friends of the family.
President Truman, in his first official pronouncement, pledged prosecution of the war to a successful conclusion. His statement issued for him at the White House by press secretary Jonathan Daniels, said:
"The world may be sure that we will prosecute the war on both fronts, East and West, with all the vigor we possess to a successful conclusion."
News of Death Stuns Capital
The impact of the news of the President's death on the capital was tremendous. Although rumor and a marked change in Mr. Roosevelt's appearance and manner had brought anxiety to many regarding his health, and there had been increasing speculation as to the effects his death would have on the national and world situation, the fact stunned the Government and the citizens of the capital.
It was not long, however, before the wheels of Government began once more to turn. Mr. Stettinius, the first of the late President's Ministers to arrive at the White House, summoned the Cabinet to meet at once. Mr. Truman, his face gray and drawn, responded to the first summons given to any outside Mr. Roosevelt's family and official intimates by rushing from the Capitol.
Mrs. Roosevelt had immediately given voice to the spirit that animated the entire Government, once the first shock of the news had passed. She cabled to her four sons, all on active service:
"He did his job to the end as he would want you to do. Bless you all and all our love. Mother."
Those who have served with the late President in peace and in war accepted that as their obligation. The comment of members of Congress unanimously reflected this spirit. Those who supported or opposed Mr. Roosevelt during his long and controversial years as President did not deviate in this. And all hailed him as the greatest leader of his time.
No President of the United States has died in circumstances so triumphant and yet so grave. The War of the States had been won by the Union when Abraham Lincoln was assassinated, and though the shadow of post-war problems hung heavy and dark, the nation's troubles were internal. World War II, which the United States entered in Mr. Roosevelt's third term, still was being waged at the time of his death, and in the Far East the enemy's resistance was still formidable. The United States and its chief allies, as victory nears, were struggling to resolve differences of international policy on political and economic issues that have arisen and will arise. And the late President's great objective - a league of nations that will be formed and be able to keep the peace - was meeting obstacles on its way to attainment.
Mr. Roosevelt died also in a position unique insofar as the history of American statesmen reveals. He was regarded by millions as indispensable to winning the war and making a just and lasting peace. On the basis of this opinion, they elected him to a fourth term in 1944. He was regarded by those same millions as the one American qualified to deal successfully and effectively with the leaders of other nations -- particularly Prime Minister Winston Churchill and Marshal Joseph Stalin - and this was another reason for his re-election.
Yet the constitutional transition to the Presidency of Mr. Truman was accomplished without a visible sign of anxiety or fear on the part of any of those responsible for waging war and negotiating peace under the Chief Executive. Though the democratic process has never had a greater shock, the human and official machines withstood it, once the first wave of grief had passed for a leader who was crushed by the burdens of war.
President Truman entered upon the duties imposed by destiny with a modest and calm, and yet a resolute, manner. Those who were with him through the late afternoon and evening were deeply impressed with his approach to the task.
"He is conscious of limitations greater than he has," said one. "But for the time being that is not a bad thing for the country."
How unexpected was President Roosevelt's death despite the obvious physical decline of the last few months is attested by the circumstances that no member of his family was with him at Warm Springs, no high-ranking associate or long-time intimate, and that his personal physician, Rear Admiral Ross McIntyre, was in Washington, totally unprepared for the news.
Personal Physician Surprised
The Admiral, in answer to questions from the press today, said "this came out of a clear sky," that no operations had been performed recently on Mr. Roosevelt and that there had never been the slightest indication of cerebral hemorrhage. His optimistic reports of the late President's health, he declared, had been completely justified by the known tests.
This ease of mind is borne out by the fact that Mrs. Roosevelt was attending a meeting of the Thrift Club near Dupont Circle when Stephen Early, the President's secretary, telephoned her to come to the White House as soon as possible. Mrs. John Boettiger, the only daughter of the family, was visiting her slightly ailing son at the Naval Hospital at Bethesda, Md., some miles away.
While these simple offices were being performed by those nearest and dearest, the President lay in the faint room from which he never roused. A lesser human being would have been prostrated by the sudden and calamitous tidings, but Mrs. Roosevelt entered at once upon her responsibilities, sent off her message to her sons and told Mr. Early and Admiral McIntyre, "I am more sorry for the people of the country and the world than I am for us." When Mr. Truman arrived and asked what he could do for her, Mrs. Roosevelt rejoined calmly, "Tell us what we can do. Is there any way we can help you?"
Flag at Capitol Lowered
As soon as the news became a certainty the White House flag was lowered to half-staff - the first time marking the death of an occupant since Warren G. Harding died at the Palace Hotel in San Francisco, Aug. 2, 1923, following a heart attack that succeeded pneumonia. The flag over the Capitol was lowered at 6:30 P.M. Between these two manifestations of the blow that had befallen the nation and the world, the news had spread throughout the city and respectful crowds gathered on the Lafayette Square pavement across from the executive mansion. They made no demonstration. But the men's hats were off, and the tears that were shed were not to be seen only on the cheeks of women. Some Presidents have been held in luke-warm esteem here, and some have been disliked by the local population, but Mr. Roosevelt held a high place in the rare affections of the capital.
The spoken tributes paid by members of Congress, a body with which the late President had many encounters, also testified to the extraordinary impression Mr. Roosevelt made on his times and the unparalleled position in the world he had attained. The comment of Senator Robert A. Taft of Ohio, a constant adversary on policy, was typical. "The greatest figure of our time," he called him, who had been removed "at the very climax of his career," who died "a hero of the war, for he literally worked himself to death in the service of the American people." And Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg of Michigan, another Republican and frequent critic, said that the late President has "left an imperishable imprint on the history of America and of the world."
More Than Mere Words
These were not mere words, uttered in conformity to the rule of "nil nisi bonum." Mr. Roosevelt's political opponents did what they could to retire him to private life, and their concern over his long tenure was real and grew as the tenure increased. But ever since his fourth-term victory in 1944 they have felt sincerely that it would be best for the country if he were spared to finish the great enterprises of war and peace which the country had commissioned him to carry through. And when they called his death a national and international tragedy they meant it.
But this tribute paid, this anxiety expressed, they and the late President's political supporters and official aides turned their hearts and minds again to the tasks before the nation. No one said "On to Berlin and Tokyo!" For Americans do not speak dramatically. But that is what every one meant, and it was the gist of what President Truman said and did after the ceremony that made him the head of the State.
When the dignitaries were assembled with Mr. Truman for this solemn purpose, there was a slight delay until his wife and daughter should arrive. Then the Chief Justice, using a Bible borrowed from Mr. Roosevelt's office and speaking from memory, read the oath and the new President repeated it after him. Then he and Mrs. Truman called on Mrs. Roosevelt and, as the President said, went "home to bed."
He wore a gray suit, a white shirt and a polka-dot tie. His face was grave but his lips were firm and his voice was strong. He said through Mr. Early that his effort will be "to carry on as he believed the President would have done." And he arranged to meet with the Army and Navy chiefs tomorrow, to assure them as tonight he did the people that his purpose is to continue the conduct of the war with the utmost vigor and to the earliest possible and successful conclusion.
While these simple but dignified processes of democracy were in motion, preparations were being made to render fit respect to the memory of the dead President. It was decided that Mrs. Roosevelt, their daughter and other members of the family should fly to Warm Springs to accompany the remains to Washington, arriving Saturday.
Meanwhile, it was announced that the nation-wide series of Jefferson Day dinners have been canceled, and similar honors of observance will be paid at the Capitol, throughout the United States and at many places in the world that looked to Mr. Roosevelt as its leader from darkness to the light.
President Roosevelt's Casket on Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D.C.
Family Of Wealth Gave Advantages
OBITUARY: FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT: PART I OF VIII
The early life of Franklin Delano Roosevelt was typical of a member of a family of wealth and assured social position--an aristocratic family, as aristocracy is measured on this side of the Atlantic.
His birthplace was a stately mansion on the Roosevelt estate, overlooking the Hudson River and set in the midst of broad acres near Hyde Park. The property had been in the possession of his family for a hundred years.
He was born on Jan. 30, 1882, the only child of James and Sara Delano Roosevelt. His father's family was of a Dutch descent and made its first appearance in America in 1654. The Delanos, from whom his mother sprung, were of Flemish origin and had followed a migratory group into Massachusetts even earlier than the Roosevelts came to New York.
The god-father of Mr. Roosevelt when he was christened in the St. James Episcopal Church at Hyde Park was Elliott Roosevelt, only brother of the elder Theodore Roosevelt. His father was a fourth cousin of the elder T.R.
The family, when Franklin Delano Roosevelt was born, was moderately wealthy. James Roosevelt, his father, had been president of the Louisville & amp; New Albany Railroad and was vice president of the Delaware & amp; Hudson. He had inherited some wealth. His health was not of the best, he had little taste for business and retired rather early to lead the life of a country gentleman on the family estate. Like Franklin D., his father and grandfather before him had been Democrats.
Early Education at Home
He received his early education at home from tutors and was said to have mastered French, German and Spanish. At 14 he entered Groton to prepare for Harvard. He was 18 when he entered that ancient university and became one of the envied dwellers on the "Gold Coast."
At Harvard Franklin D. Roosevelt became a member of the select clubs, including the Hasty Pudding. In Greek fraternities he qualified for Alpha Delta Phi and by the time he was graduated he had won the coveted key of Phi Beta Kappa. In his last year at Harvard he was president and editor of The Harvard Crimson. He was graduated in 1904.
Turning his back on Annapolis and a prospective naval career, he entered the Columbia Law School, completed his studies and passed his bar examination in 1907. He went to work as a clerk in the law firm of Carter, Ledyard & amp; Milburn, later establishing a law partnership of his own. He did not stay long at the practice of law, however.
Married While Law Student
While still a student of law at Columbia, Franklin D. Roosevelt married his sixth cousin. Miss Anna Eleanor Roosevelt was the daughter of Elliott Roosevelt, who was the godfather of Franklin D. She was the favorite niece of the elder Theodore Roosevelt, who, President of the United States at the time, gave the bride in marriage. The wedding was in this city on March 17, 1905. They had five children: James, Anna, who became Mrs. Curtis B. Dall of New York and later Mrs. John Boettiger; Elliot, Franklin D. Jr. and John A. Roosevelt.
The year 1910 was a turning point in politics in this State, when after a generation of Republican rule at the Capitol the Democrats took over control of both the executive branch of the State Government and the legislative. The period found the youthful Roosevelt, then only 28, running for State Senator from his home district, made up of the counties of Dutchess, where the Roosevelts lived, Columbia and Putnam. Normally a strong Republican district, Mr. Roosevelt carried it. Two years later he was re-elected by an even more substantial majority.
When the time had come to stand for re-election, Mr. Roosevelt was confined to a sickbed and the fight was made for him by the late Col. Henry McHenry Howe. Colonel Howe who became secretary to the President when Mr. Roosevelt assumed office, was largely instrumental, through management of the pre-convention campaign activities, in obtaining for his chief the Presidential nomination in 1932. Colonel Howe died in 1935.
Leads Insurgent Group
Almost unknown outside the district, the young Democratic Senator from Dutchess went to Albany to take his seat soon after Jan. 1, 1911. Before many days he had attracted nation-wide attention by assuming the leadership of a group of insurgents in the Legislature which he had mustered and which revolted against Tammany Hall and its leader, Charles F. Murphy, then at the heyday of his power, over a Tammany proposal to send William F. (Blue-eyed Billy) Sheehan to the United States Senate.
It was the last time a United States Senator was elected in this State by joint ballot of the Legislature. The Republicans, in a minority, were pledged to the re-election of Chauncey M. Depew. At its beginning the fight started by young Roosevelt seemed a forlorn hope. The insurgent group was in a small minority and, with the caucus resorted to, the election of Mr. Sheehan seemed certain, despite a State-wide wave of protest against his election on the ground that he was too close to Mr. Murphy and, indeed, to the Tammany organization.
But prior to the caucus the nineteen Democratic legislators of the insurgent group bound themselves to oppose the election of Mr. Sheehan to the end. They held the balance of power on a joint ballot. They remained out of the caucus. Nothing that Mr. Murphy could do or say made any difference to Mr. Roosevelt and his insurgent flock. For sixty ballots and almost three months the conflict raged.
The insurgents had a candidate of their own, Edward M. Shepard. With Mr. Sheehan he was killed off in the contest, which ended in an honorable compromise with the election of James A. O'Gorman on the sixty-fourth ballot. From this period dated the first acquaintance of Franklin D. Roosevelt and Alfred E. Smith, who was Democratic floor leader and later became speaker of the Assembly.
Fought Tammany as Senator
All through his service in the State Senate Franklin D. Roosevelt fought Tammany, then firmly in control of both branches of the Legislature. He voted for a direct primary bill, although it was but a half-way measure, grudgingly supported by Tammany. He opposed a number of Tammany grab bills.
Tammany Hall was opposed to the nomination of Woodrow Wilson for President and the delegation from this State was lined up for Champ Clark, then speaker of the House of Representatives. Anti-Tammany Democrats throughout the State, however, favored Mr. Wilson, and Franklin D. Roosevelt took his stand with this group.
At Baltimore, where the 1912 Democratic National Convention was held, Mr. Roosevelt, although not a delegate, was active in behalf of Mr. Wilson, who was nominated and elected in that year of the Bull Moose exodus from the Republican party led by another Roosevelt. His reward, after Woodrow Wilson had taken office, was the appointment to be Assistant Secretary of the Navy.
The World War broke out in 1914, about fifteen months after Mr. Roosevelt had become Assistant Secretary of the Navy. But in advance of hostilities in Europe and the entry of the United States into the great conflict, the Wilson Democrats in this State had a score to settle with Tammany Hall.
He was the candidate of the anti-Tammany wing for the United States Senator in the Democratic primary, held Sept. 28, 1914, but was defeated by James W. Gerard, later Ambassador to Germany.
Sought to Sway Hoover
In Washington during the years that followed he was drawn into close and friendly relations with Herbert Hoover, who was to be an opponent in the 1932 fight over the Presidency. Mr. Roosevelt sought to prevail upon Mr. Hoover to become a Democrat with a view to grooming him for the Democratic nomination for President in 1924, and actually thought he had succeeded when Republicans of prominence managed to persuade Mr. Hoover that he would profit politically by becoming a Republican. The rest is history.
Came 1920 and another Presidential contest. The Democrats nominated Gov. James M. Cox of Ohio for the first place on their ticket. Mr. Roosevelt drew second place. The campaign that followed was fought on the Wilson record during his two administrations and on the League of Nations, the Republicans having taken their stand definitely against the United States joining the League.
A keen believer in the Wilson policies and the peace mission of the League, Mr. Roosevelt took up the party fight. He toured the country in a special train and kept up the fighting until the eve of the election. Friends of Mr. Roosevelt gave him credit for something like 1,000 speeches, short and long, in the course of his campaign for the Vice Presidency.
The Republican landslide marked Mr. Roosevelt's second defeat for public office. He had won two. With five children to rear, Mr. Roosevelt returned to the practice of law, resuming a partnership with the firm of Emmet, Marvin & amp; Roosevelt. He also accepted a position as vice president with the Fidelity and Deposit Company of Maryland. At about that time, too, he was elected an overseer at Harvard. He also undertook the task of reorganizing the Boy Scout organization in the country, and he became chairman of a committee created to raise funds for the Woodrow Wilson Foundation.
Stricken by Paralysis
Then, in August, 1921, came his tragic illness of infantile paralysis, which at first threatened to end his career and possibly even his life, but which later came to be regarded as the turning point from which began his upward climb to the White House. With members of his family he was swimming near his summer home at Campobello, N.B., when he was stricken. The next day he felt a stiffness, as if a cold were coming on. On the second morning he could not get out of bed. His leg muscles were paralyzed.
The attack was serious. It was with extreme difficulty that he was brought back to New York, where he could receive the most skillful medical treatment obtainable. For months his life was despaired of, then the progress of the dread disease was arrested. After a truly epic fight for health he began to recover. The optimism which was a cardinal trait in his make-up, his patience and his courage were powerful allies in the battle. He was paralyzed from the waist down. It was almost a year before he could move about at all with the aid of crutches. But he never gave in. To a man in love with outdoor life, swimming, sailing, tennis and riding, the ordeal was doubly trying.
It was at this time that he "discovered" Warm Springs, Ga., and the health-giving qualities of its waters in cases such as his. He went to Warm Springs and spent much time swimming in the pool. Gradually he regained in part the use of his legs. He discarded his crutches and was able to move about with the aid of canes and steel braces which had been fitted to his lower limbs. The process of recovery, however, took years.
Rise To Presidency Followed Illness
Political Activities Maintained Through Convalescence--Pioneered for Smith
OBITUARY: FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT: PART II OF VIII
The foundations of his political career were laid by Franklin Delano Roosevelt while he convalesced from infantile paralysis and in the three years he was absent from the public scene, from 1921 to 1924, he maintained close contact with the key figures in the Democratic party.
Among the first to advance the name of Alfred E. Smith as a Presidential possibility, Mr. Roosevelt seconded his nomination in 1920 at the Democratic convention in San Francisco, and four years later he was carried into Madison Square Garden to bring his name before that convention. His polished and telling speeches and his appealing manner brought Mr. Roosevelt thunderous ovations. In 1928, when Mr. Smith finally won the Democratic nomination at Houston, it again was Mr. Roosevelt who placed his name before the delegates.
After the Houston convention Mr. Roosevelt spent some time over important work at the eastern headquarters of the Democratic National Committee in New York, but in September he went to Warm Springs for rest and to promote recovery. He was there when the Democratic State Convention was held. There were a number of aspirants for the Governorship nomination. On one ground or another they were all found wanting and in turn eliminated.
The name of Franklin D. Roosevelt had been in the minds of all the party leaders but he had made it known to them that he would not under any circumstances enter the field. Finally Alfred E. Smith got on the long-distance telephone and, on the plea that his candidacy would greatly strengthen the national ticket, wrung from him a reluctant consent to run for Governor.
Elected Governor of New York
Mr. Roosevelt was nominated. He did not permit his physical handicap to stand in the way of vigorous campaigning. He toured the State from end to end, by train and by automobile. On Election Day he carried the State by a plurality of a little more than 25,000, while Governor Smith lost his own State to Hoover by an adverse plurality of more than 103,000.
When he took office as Governor Mr. Roosevelt found himself, as had Governor Smith before him, with a Republican Legislature on his hands. A Republican Legislature had proved a foil and a great help to Governor Smith in advancing his political fortunes. It was destined to be of equal service to Governor Roosevelt.
Much of his legislative program during his first term in office consisted of unfinished business from the three preceding Smith administrations. But he initiated many measures of importance and some of these he forced, through the Legislature.
He submitted in a revamped form to the Legislature, the Smith proposal for development and operation under State auspices of a water power plan on the St. Lawrence River and before his first term was over had received legislative sanction for a commission of his own choice to investigate the subject and recommend a plan. This was followed during his second term with a further concession which made possible the creation of the St. Lawrence Power Authority, which, before Mr. Roosevelt left Albany to step into the Presidency, already was engaged in preliminary negotiations and other labors for the realization of the huge State power project. This was a victory which his resourceful predecessor had not been able to wrest from a hostile Republican Legislature.
Mr. Roosevelt had not been long in office before he demonstrated his huge capacity for work and his consummate skill as a politician. He set himself at once to the upbuilding of the Democratic party in the State, outside the City of New York, a field that Mr. Smith, astute politician that he was, had refused to cultivate, preferring to depend upon his huge vote in the cities for successive victories.
Mr. Roosevelt wooed the farmer, backbone of the Republican political strength in the State, by an extensive program for farm relief. He reaped a rich reward in votes when he ran for Governor the second time in 1930, receiving a huge plurality of 725,000 votes, of which almost 175,000 was supplied by voters outside of New York City, an unparalleled feat.
Mr. Roosevelt's greatest triumph during his two terms as Governor undoubtedly was his victory in the long drawn out controversy over water power. In many of the reforms he recommended he was blocked by hostile Legislatures. But a long list of measures to his credit made his service in the Governor's office one of notable achievement, although it left a big hole in the State treasury. His successor, Gov. Herbert H. Lehman, was called upon to wipe out an inherited deficit of more than $100,000,000 when he took office in 1933.
Mr. Roosevelt faced a delicate situation as Governor in connection with disclosures of corruption the New York City government, dominated by Tammany Hall, which were made in the winter of 1931. The Republicans in the Legislature by concurrent resolution created an investigating committee, of which Senator Samuel H. Hofstadter, New York City Republican, became chairman and Samuel Seabury, former judge of the Court of Appeals and an anti-Tammany Democrat, became counsel.
In the face of an insistent clamor for action by reform elements and the press, Mr. Roosevelt for a time remained silent and inactive. But when charges of official dereliction were presented to him against Thomas C. T. Crain, the Tammany-sponsored District Attorney of New York Country, he appointed ex-Judge Seabury to sit as a commissioner, review the evidence and make a report. This did not recommend the removal from office of Mr. Crain, although it censured his administration of the prosecutor's office.
And when as the result of disclosures by the Hofstadter committee a demand was made for the removal of Sheriff Thomas M. Farley, another Tammany office holder, and finally of Mayor James J. Walker, Governor Roosevelt himself sat and heard the evidence, ordering the removal of the Sheriff, while Mayor Walker anticipated an adverse decision from the Governor by resigning his office.
The Walker hearing was not held until after Mr. Roosevelt had received the Democratic nomination for President, with Tammany's delegation and that of John H. McCooey from Kings voting against him on every ballot. In the Farley case Mr. Roosevelt delivered an opinion that holders of office should properly be held to a higher standard of conduct in relation to their financial affairs than was required by law from the private citizen. Friends of good government hailed this opinion as of the utmost value as a precedent.
Less cordial relations between Governor Roosevelt and Alfred E. Smith had existed ever since Mr. Roosevelt won his first victory as a candidate for Governor, even though it was at Mr. Smith's urgent request that Mr. Roosevelt made the run.
Friends of both men, realizing their different outlook on life and on many public questions and the different environment from which they had sprung, had marveled at how they could be drawn very closely together. As a matter of fact the depth or warmth of the feeling they entertained for each other had never been subjected to an acid test. The demonstrations of friendship had been mostly on public occasions of political portent, when such a display might have been a matter of expediency to one or both.
In 1924, when Mr. Roosevelt was head and front of the pre-convention movement for the nomination of Mr. Smith, he was not ready to make a drive for the nomination himself. Nor was he in 1928. The crushing defeat sustained by Mr. Smith in that campaign, with loss of half of the electoral vote from the South, did not come as a surprise to Mr. Roosevelt. The defeat of Mr. Smith and his own victory as a candidate for Governor in that year in effect opened the way for him to the White House four years later. Mr. Smith, following these developments, sensed in Mr. Roosevelt a rival for the high honor he had not then as yet lost hope of winning for himself.
Mr. Smith for months held back and it was not until late in the campaign that he consented to make some speeches for Mr. Roosevelt. He became active only after their common interest in the nomination and election of Herbert H. Lehman as Governor had brought them together in a concerted move at the Democratic State Convention in 1932 to outflank Tammany and its allies, who had taken a stand in opposition to the nomination of Mr. Lehman.
At the Democratic National Convention in Chicago some months earlier Mr. Smith made a fight for the nomination against Mr. Roosevelt which was fraught with bitterness on both sides. And after Mr. Roosevelt on the fourth ballot had received 945 votes in the convention out of a total of 1,154 and was declared the nominee, no motion came from Mr. Smith, who had the next largest vote, 190 1/2, to make the vote unanimous.
Immediately after his nomination, Mr. Roosevelt shattered precedent by proceeding with Mrs. Roosevelt and some other members of his family by air to Chicago, where he was received with tumultuous enthusiasm when he appeared at the Stadium before the delegates who had nominated him and made his speech of acceptance.
In this address he sounded what subsequent utterances demonstrated to be the keynote of his campaign. He came out in full acceptance of his party's national platform, was more outspoken on the question of prohibition than at any time before and declared that he was not a worshiper of precedent or "foolish" tradition if they stood in the way of social and economic reconstruction of the country. He again sprang to the defense of his "forgotten man."
Carries Forty-two States
At the close of the Presidential contest Mr. Roosevelt carried forty-two States. The remaining six, Connecticut, Delaware, Maine, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania and Vermont, gave their electoral votes to Mr. Hoover.
The months that intervened between Mr. Roosevelt's election and his inauguration were occupied by an intensive study of national and international problems, and a preparation of remedial measures for meeting the critical situation. In this study Mr. Roosevelt was assisted by a group of advisers popularity nicknamed the "Brain Trust," composed of college professors and technical experts in various fields of government.
Prominent in this group of advisers were three former Columbia professors, Raymond Moley, Rexford G. Tugwell and A. A. Berle Jr., Dr. Mordecai Ezekiel, vice president of the American Statistical Society, and William C. Bullitt, a writer who as far back as during the Wilson Administration at Washington had figured in confidential foreign missions.
About three weeks before his inauguration, on Feb. 15, 1933, Mr. Roosevelt had a narrow and miraculous escape from death at the hand of an assassin. This was at Miami, Fla. Mr. Roosevelt was returning from a pleasure cruise in West Indian waters aboard Vincent Astor's yacht, the Nourmahal. He had landed and was on his way to board a train to carry him north, when he stopped to deliver an open-air address at Bay Front Park, in acknowledgement of a continuous ovation that he had received while motoring to the railroad station.
During the address the would-be assassin fired several shots into the multitude, with the design to kill the President-elect. The wielder of the deadly weapon, Giuseppe Zangara of Hackensack, N. J., was prevented from accomplishing what he had set out to do only because a woman in the crowd seized him by the arm and deflected his aim. The next moment a Miami policeman pounced on him and felled him. He was arrested.
On investigation he proved to be an anarchist and a man crazed by bodily pain. Several persons were wounded; Anton Cermak, the Democratic Mayor of Chicago, who had been standing by the side of Mr. Roosevelt, fatally. Zangara within the month was tried, convicted and executed.
Mr. Roosevelt in this crucial test showed the greatest coolness and courage, both during and after the shooting, driving at once to the hospital where the victims of the assassin had been taken for treatment.
Conferred Twice With Hoover
Momentous events occurred between Mr. Roosevelt's election and his inauguration on March 4. Although Mr. Roosevelt's term as Governor of New York State did not expire until Dec. 31, 1932, on Nov. 12 President Hoover addressed a communication to him at Albany reporting the request of foreign Governments for suspension of their war debt payments. The President also invited the President-elect with "any of the Democratic Congressional leaders" to confer at the White House on the foreign debt situation and other phases of the general economic situation, which was becoming acute.
Mr. Roosevelt had two conferences with President Hoover, one on Nov. 22 and another on Jan. 20. He declined, however, to join President Hoover in a joint statement calling upon the country to remain calm in the crisis. Mr. Roosevelt explained later that he did not consent to such joint action because he was a private citizen without any authority in the nation's affairs. At the time many of his supporters believed that he declined because he saw no reason why he should assume responsibility for a situation that he believed was due in part to the acts or omissions of President Hoover.
Between Jan. 1, 1930, and March 3, 1933, the day before Mr. Roosevelt became President, 5,504 banks, with a total of deposits of $3,432,000,000 had closed their doors. The country was in the grip of fear bordering on panic.
A Depression and a War Fought by Roosevelt During His Tenure as President
Country Revived By First Inaugural
'Only Thing We Have to Fear Is Fear Itself' Set Pattern for Fight on Depression
OBITUARY: FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT: PART III OF VIII
In his first inaugural address, directed to a nation racked and ravaged by the greatest depression in history, President Roosevelt demonstrated that he had a considered plan for the nation's recovery. His outstanding declaration was that "the only thing we have to fear is fear itself."
That memorable address, delivered in fighting words on March 4, 1933, set the pattern for most of the accomplishments for the first term, and also for many of the events in later administration. In it, he intimated that if remedial legislation enacted by Congress should prove inadequate to the occasion he would ask that he be vested with executive power as broad as if the country were at war.
He attacked the selfish interests, "the unscrupulous money changers," to whom he attributed the economic depression. He asserted that these interests having "fled from their high seats in the temple of our administration," there was no recourse other than to have the Government assume the task of putting men to work, by direct recruiting if necessary. He dedicated the nation to a world "good neighbor" policy.
With this revolutionary address behind him, he lost no time in calling the Congress into extraordinary session on March 9 and, within the next one hundred days, the Congress, at his urging, enacted more legislation than in any like period in American history. Much of it was in fulfillment of pledges made in the Democratic national platform
This legislation included:
Ratification by Congress of all the steps taken by the President in proclamations dealing with the banking crisis, before the special session was convened, including the ending of gold as a medium of exchange, and later steps taking the country off the gold standard, plus emergency control of virtually all banking transactions.
An economy bill, cutting governmental expenses and veterans' benefits, most of the economics of which were later dissipated, either by Congressional action or by the President's switch to a spending policy to get the nation's unemployment problem solved.
Legalization of 3.2 per cent beer, before the repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment. In this connection it might be noted that the President was credited in the months that followed, with having been the only man who could have obtained ratification of the repealer amendment, the Twenty-first, as speedily as it was done. Passed by Congress on Feb. 20, 1933, the repeal amendment became effective on Dec. 5 of the same year.
The first Federal farm-subsidy measure, under which the Agricultural Adjustment Administration was set up, giving the Government the right to pay subsidies to farmers for not producing, plus a law for the refinancing of farm mortgages with Federal aid.
The Civilian Conservation Corps law, one of the most successful of the New Deal experiments, in which the younger generation of the unemployed were set up in camps throughout the country and employed in forestry and conservation work.
The Tennessee Valley Authority, under which the vast potential of water-power in the Tennessee Valley was developed as a governmental enterprise.
The first Securities and Exchange Commission law, under which the issuance of securities by corporations became subject to governmental regulation.
The Home Owners Loan Corporation Act, under which hundreds of thousands of private homes were saved for their owners by the Government taking over and refinancing the mortgages at a low rate of interest, and over a twenty-year period. This law created the then new type of mortgage under which equal payments took care of interest and principal until both obligations were wiped out.
Expansion of the activities of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, set up under the Hoover Administration, so that it could be used to finance a large number of present and future governmental activities by special corporations.
Cancellation of the gold clause in both public and private obligations.
The National Recovery Administration, most short-lived of the emergency legislation, designed to permit industries to govern themselves, and prevent ruinous competition, with Government aid, so that higher wages could be paid and some profits kept. While it had wide public support at the time, it failed to work, and finally was thrown out as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court.
The President also launched the AAA with Secretary of Agriculture Henry A. Wallace as administrator, in an effort to raise agricultural purchasing power to provide a market for industry. The President began by issuing a decree fixing a processing tax of 4.2 cents a pound on cotton as the first step of his comprehensive farm program. Processing taxes later were placed on other farm staples, such as wheat and corn, in order to pay the expenses of that part of the plan which called for the payment of Federal bounties to farmers signing contracts to restrict production. The purpose was to get rid of surpluses and raise prices. In the fall he authorized the AAA to purchase food and clothing for 3,500,000 families on relief rolls, partly to provide relief and partly to diminish surplus commodity stocks, particularly cotton and pork, which still depressed farm prices.
The President announced in October his plan to buy gold in order to depreciate the value of the dollar and so decrease unemployment in both industry and agriculture, keep commodity prices stable in terms of a managed currency, and make possible the payment of debts at or near the price levels at which they were contracted. He also embarked on a silver purchase program.
Work Relief Is Begun
During the winter of 1933 President Roosevelt started his first national work relief program, headed by Harry L. Hopkins, Federal Emergency Relief Administrator, with a credit of $400,000,000, for the purpose of transferring 4,000,000 needy unemployed from direct relief to work relief. This was known as the Civil Works Administration, with relief as its main purpose, to distinguish it from the Public Works Administration, under Secretary of the Interior Harold L. Ickes, which made relief secondary to the construction of large-scale public works.
The "hundred days" of Congress rounded out a program which vested in a President for the first time in a period of peace powers virtually dictatorial in essence and broad in scope, which wrought changes of a fundamental and revolutionary character in the American plan of government. But the President himself and his political advisers were at pains to emphasize that the grant of power was delegated and strictly within constitutional lines. What Congress had given, Congress could take away. The first measures proposed to Congress were passed by practically unanimous vote. Party lines for the moment seemed forgotten as Mr. Roosevelt's venturesome policies won widespread approval throughout the country. His willingness to assume responsibility, his exhibition of unflinching and unprecedented courage in high office at a time of grave crisis, compelled universal admiration and was reflected in a revival of hope and confidence, at the same time producing a rise in the price of securities on the exchanges.
Second Term Began With Labor At War
Budget Also Was Badly Out of Balance When Roosevelt Took Oath on Jan. 20, 1937
Fight On Supreme Court
His Prestige Suffered in the Controversy, but Popularity Was Restored by 1940
OBITUARY: FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT: PART IV OF VIII
In a great downpour of rain Franklin Delano Roosevelt was inaugurated President of the United States for his second successive term on Jan. 20, 1937.
This departure from the former inauguration date of March 4 was the result of the adoption of the Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution, know as the "lame duck" amendment, which shortened the period between the election and the assumption of office by the President and by members of Congress.
During the campaign President Roosevelt had had much to occupy him besides political matters. The national budget was badly out of balance, a gross Federal deficit of $2,096,966,300 being reported on Sept. 1 by Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau for the fiscal year 1936-37. This was nearly $1,000,000,000 more than was forecast in January although it was the lowest thus far under the New Deal.
Labor Strife Brewing
In addition, the President and the nation were confronted with the first indications of what was to be an epocal fight in the ranks of American labor. In August ten unions of the recently organized Committee for Industrial Organization (later the Congress of Industrial Organizations) were suspended from the American Federation of Labor after John L. Lewis, the CIO leader, and William Green, head of the A. F. of L., had failed to compose their differences concerning the craft union as against the industrial union. The President, who had pledged himself to the National Conference of Labor Legislation to support Federal and State minimum wage laws and the forty-hour week, for the time being adopted a hands-off policy in this fight, the implications of which were not yet fully foreseen.
Emergency relief still continued to be one of the most pressing problems confronting the President. Business was improving but employment indices were not keeping up with this improvement.
With his position described as "a little left of center," Mr. Roosevelt indicated at the outset of his second term that he would press forward along the liberal paths of his first administration.
In the face of a series of industrial outbreaks attending the efforts of Mr. Lewis to organize heavy industry under the banner of the CIO, Mr. Roosevelt kept silent for many months. This attitude was described by the President's opponents as due to Mr. Lewis' and the CIO's financial and ballot support at the polls. Organizing activities continued, labor-management strife and riots bordering on open warfare shook the nation.
Merchants and business men, many of whom had supported President Roosevelt at the last election, began to insist that the President use his influence to end the disorders that were causing hardship to labor and business alike. It was not until July that the President spoke. At a White House press conference he quoted the Mercutio of Shakespeare's "Romeo and Juliet": "A plague on both your houses."
Addressing a joint session of the Seventy-fifth Congress, on Jan. 6, 1938, President Roosevelt voiced his dissatisfaction with the attitude of the United States Supreme Court in declaring unconstitutional certain New Deal measures, among them the NRA and the AAA. The message said:
"It was their (the founders') definite intent and expectation that a liberal (Supreme Court) interpretation in years to come would give to the Congress the same relative powers as they themselves gave to Congress over national problems in their day."
In several addresses President Roosevelt had indicated that he was not particularly impressed by the functions of the United States Supreme Court. Nor was his regard for the high court increased when Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes coldly declined his invitation to consult on legislative measures that might eventually come before the court.
Crisis in the Court Proposal
President Roosevelt formed a strong resolve to curb the court's power. Keeping his intentions a complete secret from his Cabinet, the Democratic leaders in Congress and his coterie of intimate advisers, he directed Attorney General Homer S. Cummings to work out several plans to clip the court's wings. When the plans were placed before the President he selected the one dearest to Mr. Cummings's heart.
The nation was not, however, prepared for the drastic program of Federal judiciary reform announced by President Roosevelt on Feb. 5. It precipitated a crisis such as the government had not known since the Civil War.
The battle raged for five months. Conservative Democrats and Republicans were ranged against Presidential prestige and power. In the midst of the strife, Justice Willis Van Devanter, one of the oldest, more often under attack as a "reactionary," retired. The court reversed itself, turning to a "more liberal interpretation of the Constitution." It upheld the Wagner Labor Relations Act and social security legislation. On July 22, by a vote of 70 to 20, the bill was killed in the Senate. Mr. Roosevelt had lost the battle, but he had won the war. Death, retirement and resignation permitted him, ultimately, to appoint more justices than had any other President.
The fury of the storm over the Supreme Court fight was revived in August of the same year, when the President sent to the Senate the name of Senator Hugo L. Black of Alabama as an associate justice of the Supreme Court to succeed Justice Van Devanter. The President picked Senator Black apparently with an eye toward selecting a loyal New Dealer, which the Senator was, and yet one whom the Senate would have to confirm, almost as a matter of Senatorial courtesy.
There were hints during the Senate debate that Senator Black had once been a member of the Ku Klux Klan. The Senate rejected the implications, and it was not until a month later that The Pittsburgh Post-Gazette produced documentary evidence that Justice Black had been a Klan member from 1923 to 1925. Justice Black, in a nation-wide radio address, admitted that he had been a member of the Klan, said he was no longer one, and took his place on the bench. He had been in Europe when the charges were first made, and the delay in answering them created an unfavorable impression around the nation. The storm, as others, died down eventually.
Danger of New Depression
John L. Lewis began his battle with the President about this time, accusing the Administration of indifference to the rights of workers in the "Little Steel" plants in Ohio.
The President received another blow from Mr. Lewis early in September when the CIO chief warned him that he would lose the support of a large part of organized labor if he did not support the CIO.
Strengthened by his belief as a result of his Western trip that a majority of the country was still with him on New Deal reforms, the President issued a call for a special session of Congress to meet on Nov. 15 and take up legislation on wages and hours, crop-control, Government reorganization, anti-trust curbs and regional planning in the form of "seven little TVA's."
But the chief event of the month was the rapid drop in stock market prices, culminating in a decline that had been going on for several months, and that suddenly attracted public attention to the danger of another 1929. The same symptoms were visible as in the 1929-33 depression--a stock market crash, falling commodity prices, a business recession and growing unemployment.
The President immediately swung into action in an effort to stop the recession and prevent it from developing into a new depression. He called in business leaders and economists for advice, announced his intention to achieve a balanced budget as soon as possible, and called for a decline in the Federal spending policy of the last few years.
In an attempt to encourage business and industry to take the place of Federal spending with expansion policies of their own, the President promised a modification of taxes deemed harmful by business and instituted "peace negotiations" with the great public utility systems of the country, offering a modification of the Government's power program in return for pledges by the utility leaders to spend large sums for expansion of their facilities.
President Roosevelt was unsuccessful in his efforts to "purge" the Democratic party of conservative anti-New Dealers. He was widely criticized for using the Presidential office to bring pressure to bear for the election of New Deal candidates in the 1938 Congressional elections, but he insisted that, as head of the Democratic party, he had every right to speak out where his principles and policies were concerned.
The country saw it differently and this was one of the reasons, together with the failure of economic recovery to proceed fast enough, the continuance of widespread unemployment, dissatisfaction with the working of the Wagner Labor Relations Act and disapproval of the Administration's failure to take a firm stand against the sit-down strike, among other things, that caused sweeping reverses for the New Deal at the polls in November, 1938.
Another result of the election was to remove the 1939 Congress definitively out of the category of a "rubber-stamp" assembly, as previous Congresses under the New Deal has been called. Without a formal coalition, Republicans and conservative Democrats joined forces in an effort to curtail the President's spending program, institute economies and start toward a balanced budget.
The new Congress did not reject all of the President's reforms, however, as it adopted a new farm bill, a Wages and Hours Law less drastic than the bill that previously had been defeated, and a modified form of the President's bill for the reorganization of the executive departments and agencies.
Policies Expanded By World Crises
Domestic Problems Thrust Aside in Later Years of Roosevelt's Tenure
OBITUARY: FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT: PART V OF VIII
As the overshadowing world crisis developed, President Franklin D. Roosevelt turned his attention more and more from domestic social and economic reforms to the great problems of international affairs. Although he came to office two months after Adolf Hitler had seized the reins of power in Germany, foreign policy was so little in the minds of the new President and his fellow-countrymen that it was the subject of only a single paragraph in his first inaugural address.
Even before his tenure of office was half over, however, the perilous state of the nation's foreign affairs was demanding the major share of the President's thought and energies, and the time eventually came when he urged the country to cease identifying his administration with the New Deal.
Earliest among his international undertakings, and perhaps one that cast an unfavorable augury for the diplomacy of his administration, was Mr. Roosevelt's message of 1933 wrecking the London Economic Conference, convoked largely at the insistence of the United States.
Quarantine of Nations
This was followed, however, by two developments of 1934, each destined to be of long-lasting effect. One was the Congressional enactment empowering the President to negotiate reciprocal trade agreements with other nations. The other was Mr. Roosevelt's action, taken to implement his "Good Neighbor" policy toward the world in general and Latin America in particular. Specific steps were the abrogation of the Platt Amendment, which had given the United States the right to intervene in Cuba, the withdrawal of American marines from Haiti, and the signing of a bill guaranteeing ultimate independence to the Philippines.
Through the immediately following years the pyramiding uncertainties of the future of Europe necessarily came more and more to the attention of the President, but in his public pronouncements at least foreign policy remained subordination to domestic questions until, in one bold speech delivered at Chicago in October, 1937, he called for the quarantine of aggressor nations. Public reaction to the address was not entirely favorable; as a consequence the President "went slow" for a time, but did not thereafter deviate from the line of action he had suggested to the country.
As the war clouds grew blacker over Europe Mr. Roosevelt did what he could to dispel them. In August, 1938, he made it known that the United States would not "stand idly by" if Canada should be attacked. Four days before Munich he appealed to the Czechs and the Germans alike to reach a peaceful settlement of their difficulties over the Sudetenland. On Nov. 14, as a gesture of protest, against widespread anti-Jewish rioting in Germany, he called the American Ambassador home from Berlin.
Appealed to Hitler
In the following spring, on April 15, the President addressed an appeal to Chancellor Hitler and Premier Mussolini asking them to pledge their nations to ten years of peace, and promising to use his own good offices to bring about economic adjustments that might be necessary. When this move failed, and a few months later the long-dreaded war broke out, Mr. Roosevelt promised that all his efforts would be devoted to keeping this nation at peace.
His first step in fulfillment of that purpose was to call a special session of Congress for amendment of the Neutrality Act. He argued that by repealing the arms embargo and substituting for it a "cash and carry" provision for the sale of American arms to the nations defending themselves this country could keep the war far from its shores. He succeeded in winning Congressional approval for his policy. Meanwhile he sought to foster the unity of the nations of the two Americas for hemisphere defense.
When, after a period of somnolence and of charges that it was "phony," the war leaped into suddenly flame in April, 1940, with the German invasion of Denmark and Norway, Mr. Roosevelt denounced the Nazis in unmeasured terms. The following month, when the German armies swiftly overran the Low Countries and France, he called upon the United States to embark upon a defense program of unprecedented magnitude.
Defense Program Outlined
In quick succession he called for 50,000 war planes, a two-ocean Navy, the enactment of a selective service law and the building up of the nation's defenses on a scale so great that the appropriations and authorizations entailed eventually mounted to $28,500,000,000. Asserting that the nation was facing a grave emergency, he persuaded two prominent Republicans, Henry L. Stimson and Col. Frank Knox, to enter his Cabinet as Secretary of War and Secretary of the Navy, respectively.
Meanwhile he sought to extend to the faltering French nation, and, after its defeat, to the imperiled British, every assistance that lay within his power. Out of surplus Army stocks left over from World War days he rushed to the British, in the days following Dunkerque, vast quantities of arms and munitions, including more than 80,00 machine guns and almost 1,000,000 rifles. He arranged a trade of fifty over-age American destroyers to Britain in return for the right to lease a series of air and naval bases on British possessions from Newfoundland to British Guinea.
Soon after his third election, Mr. Roosevelt arranged an American loan of $100,000,000 to China to stiffen resistance against Japan, and early in December, 1940, he assured the Greek Government, then at grips with Italy, that the United States would supply aid, in accordance with a "settled policy" of assisting people to defend themselves against aggression.
These steps, however, were mere preliminaries to his announcement of his "lease-lend" plan, which, first foreshadowed at a press conference on Dec. 16, was explained in more detail to the people of the United States in a radio fireside chat on Dec. 30, and was outlined in detail in a message to Congress on Jan. 5, 1941. He asked Congress for authority and funds with which to aid the victims of aggression and said that the most useful role for the United States was to act as an "arsenal" for the democracies.
Row Over Power to Aid
A bill to confer upon the President practically unlimited power to place American war equipment, new and old, at the disposal of the nations fighting the Axis powers was introduced into Congress on Jan. 10 and immediately began a bitter controversy. Opponents of the bill charged that it would give Mr. Roosevelt dictatorial powers, and one of them, Senator Burton K. Wheeler of Montana, leader of the fight against the President's Supreme Court bill, went so far as to charge that it represented "another New Deal triple a foreign policy--plow under every fourth American boy." The President promptly retorted that the charge was "rotten" and "dastardly."
Whether Mr. Roosevelt really believed at this time that America could give "all aid short of war" to those opposing the Axis powers without actually getting into the war may never be know. It is probable that the President regarded our entrance into the conflict as inevitable and was working to stymie the up-to-then successful Axis technique of taking on its eventual opponents one at a time.
For certainly, with the passage of the Lend-Lease Act, the United States became committed to war, regardless of the words of the moment.
The "isolationists" of the day waged their bitterest battle against lend-lease, but it passed Congress by a substantial margin, was signed by the President on March 11, and the President immediately set up a seven-billion-dollar fund to implement the new policy. In the interim, at his third inaugural, on Jan. 16, he told the American people that "in this day the task of the people is to save the nation and its institutions from disruption without," and that "we do not retreat, we are not content to stand still. As Americans we go forward in the service of our country, by the will of God." He emphasized the importance of the coming struggle a few days after he signed the Lend-Lease Bill by telling the country that "the impact of this gigantic effort will be felt by Americans in every walk of life."
Alliance With England Nearer
In April we moved a step closer to actual alliance with England when the President removed the Red Sea from a previously designated combat zone which American ships were not allowed to enter. It meant that, with the recently established English control of those waters, we intended to use our ships to supply their new bases. In May he publicly defied the Nazi-proclaimed blockade, appealed to the French over the head of their nominal government not to support Petain's policy of collaboration with Germany, and finally proclaimed a state of unlimited national emergency in this country, thereby vastly increasing his own powers in connection with the war and the home front.
This came right after he had struck a blow at one of America's leading isolationists, Charles A. Lindbergh. The President likened him to Vallandigham, Civil War Copperhead, precipitating another of the storms which were typical of the period.
June saw the President freezing, by executive order, the assets of Germany and Italy in this country--to be followed the next month by a reciprocal closing of consulates--as well as a declaration by the President branding Germany as an "international outlaw," engaged in "piracy," due to Germany's sinking American ships. It was also the month that saw Hitler make his first major error, the invasion of Russia. Sentiment against Russia was strong in this country up to then, due to Communist-inspired strikes and general tactics designed to delay or hamper our defense effort, and it was three full days after the invasion before the President pledged the nation to give "all possible aid" to Stalin and his compatriots. Winston Churchill had given it for England when the invasion was only hours old, declaring, in a broadcast which reached around the world, that anyone who fought nazism was going to get British help.
Still the trend continued toward our entrance. We took over Iceland in July, with the consent of invaded Denmark, we froze Japan's assets in this country, and the President asked Congress, which consented, to let him hold selectees under the first draft, and National Guardsmen as well, in service for longer than the year originally scheduled.
In rapid succession, through the waning summer and then the fall, as a result of the sending of supplies by us to England, and to a smaller extent to Russia, and the attacks on some of them by U-boats, there came orders to the Navy to shoot at sight any submarines entering "waters the protection of which is necessary for American defense," a declaration that a "shooting war" had actually started and revision of the old Neutrality Act to permit our ships to sail any sea.
A feature of Mr. Roosevelt's foreign policy throughout all these years was his insistence upon being his own spokesman, and to a great extent the active negotiator in his dealings with other nations. In his first term, even though engrossed principally with domestic problems, he found time to hold lengthy, intimate and secluded conferences with statesmen representing the great powers of the earth, including Ramsay MacDonald, the British Premier; Eduard Herriot, who, at the President's invitation, was sent as the emissary of France; Prime Minister R. B. Bennett of Canada, and high spokesmen for Italy, Germany and Japan. War debts, tariffs, stabilization of currencies, trade relations, were among the topics at these international conversations.
The President, in addition, took advantage of them to make known his deep appreciation of the interdependence among modern nations and his desire for the end of trade wars, as well as the conflicts fought upon the battlefield.
It was in furtherance of these aims that Mr. Roosevelt did an unprecedented thing when, on May 16, 1933, discarding the diplomatic practice of international communication through the Foreign Offices of the nations concerned, he addressed a message directly to the heads of fifty-four nations that were to participate in the General Disarmament Conference at Geneva and the World Monetary and Economic Conference in London, strongly urging that "wise and considered" international action be taken to supplement domestic programs for economic recovery and that practical measures of disarmament be evolved to lessen the peril of armed conflict.
Other examples of the President's policy of giving his direct attention to affairs of state occurred in 1935, when, in connection with the passage of the Neutrality Bill of that year, he strongly advocated "taking the profits out of war," and in November of the following year, when he attended the Inter-American Conference at Buenos Aires. Other instances of this dealing personality with the welter of foreign problems preceding actual American participation in the war marked the following years.
In September, 1938, he sent personal messages to Hitler, Chamberlain, Daladier and Benes, urging peaceful settlement of the Sudeten crisis in Czechoslovakia, and calling upon Mussolini to intercede with Hitler to avert war. After Munich he denounced the methods of the dictators, with the result that the Government-controlled press of Germany singled him out for bitter attacks. Meanwhile, the President pressed for an even greater rearmament effort in the United States, and in successive steps recalled the American Ambassador to Germany as a protest against Nazi persecution of the Jews and the use of force as an instrument of national policy, and made personal appeals to Germany, Italy and Soviet Russia. In the latter case he asked the Soviet Government to moderate its demands upon Finland.
After the German-Russian pact and the invasion of Poland he re-convened Congress in special session and obtained eventually a modification of the Neutrality Act, permitting sale to the Allies of war materials on a cash-and-carry basis.
Welles 'Scouted' for Peace
Again, in a characteristically bold stroke early in 1940, he sent Sumner Welles, Under-Secretary of State, on a European "scouting" expedition to discover the prospects of peace. Shortly afterward the President broke another precedent by appointing Myron C. Taylor, former head of the United States Steel Corporation, as his personal representative at the Vatican, with special reference to the possibility of restoring peace. The President cruised to the Pacific Ocean via the Panama Canal and on his return sought appropriations to strengthen the isthmian defenses.
As the previously quiescent war flamed into activity in the spring and summer of 1940 Mr. Roosevelt sought an increased defense program, and with the fall of France in June sought to extend every aid to the stricken republic. It was in connection with the entrance of Italy into the war at this time that he interpolated into a prepared speech delivered at the University of Virginia:
"On this tenth day of June, 1940, the hand that held the dagger has struck it into the back of its neighbor."
In rapid succession thereafter the President established an export license system for petroleum products and scrap metal and obtained from Congress the power to call the National Guard and the organized reserves for a year of military training.
One Of 'Big Three' In World Conflict
Roosevelt Brought Prestige That Helped Maintain the Morale of Our Allies
OBITUARY: FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT: PART VI OF VIII
One of the Big Three of the second War--the triumvirate of Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin, which was a parallel to the Wilson, Clemenceau and Lloyd George team in the first world conflict--President Roosevelt brought to his war leadership a tremendous prestige in Great Britain and on the Continent.
This prestige was an aid in maintaining the morale of our allies during the long period of preparation for vital military operation, and it was a powerful weapon when Mr. Roosevelt appealed to the people in the occupied and enemy countries over the heads of their leaders. At home, while on non-war matters there was no political truce, the President as war leader received the unified support of political friend and foe.
He was on vacation in Warm Springs when Japan was massing forces for an attack in the East. Where the new act of Japanese aggression would occur no one knew. Thailand, a base for further expansion south, seemed likely.
Plea to Hirohito, December 7
The crisis was grave enough to bring the President rushing back from Warm Springs to issue secret orders for a constant alert by our forces in Hawaii and the Philippines. The morning of Dec. 7, 1941, American newspapers carried the story of a personal appeal by the President to Emperor Hirohito for peace.
Whether the appeal was delivered before the blow was struck was not known, but the Japanese carriers that blasted Pearl Harbor that Sunday morning had started for their destination days, maybe weeks, earlier.
That same Sunday the President, grave and tense, heard the news--"all bad," he remarked of it-- and called a special session of Congress for the next day. When Congress assembled, the President told the members that Dec. 7 was "a day that will live in infamy," and that "with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph, so help us God."
Congress declared war on Japan and followed this action the next day with war on Germany and Italy, which already had recognized that a state of war existed. America's war effort then really began.
Prime Minister Churchill came to this country on a battleship on Dec. 22 and flew home on Jan. 14, 1942. While here he discussed war plans with Mr. Roosevelt. The Japanese sped their aggression with a great southward drive in the Pacific, and the Philippines, Malaya and the Dutch East Indies fell to their superior forces. The President pledged the eventual liberation of these lands.
Troops and equipment were shipped to England and the invasion of North Africa prepared. This blow, the first taste the Axis had of the combined military might of Britain and the United States, was dealt with great secrecy and it caught the Germans off guard. Meanwhile, Mr. Roosevelt was losing prestige at home as the public became restive over what seemed to be a lack of action.
The invasion of North Africa was welcomed by the public as a turning point in the war, and Presidential popularity rose again.
For "Unconditional Surrender"
Early in 1943 the President visited Churchill at Casablanca, in North Africa, to lay down the "unconditional surrender" terms to the Axis powers. He stopped off, on the way back, to visit Liberia, Brazil and Trinidad, to lift his travel mark up to 200,000 miles while in office up to that point.
America, under the President's leadership, and also as a result of Red Army successes, was drawing closer to a better understanding with Russia. In the spring of 1943 Joseph E. Davies was sent on a "mission to Moscow" with a secret letter from the President to Marshal Joseph Stalin, Premier of the Soviet Union. Stalin replied and the President was able to report to the public that the understanding and accord between the two was "excellent." When Stalin soon thereafter dissolved the Comintern, international revolutionary organization sponsored by the Russian Government, much of the old fear of Russia and communism ceased to be publicly expressed.
Despite the domestic situation, and the increasing food shortage, the Gallup poll was able to report in June, 1943, that 56 per cent of the voters would be for President Roosevelt for a fourth term. Tunisia had surrender, the Allies controlled the Mediterranean, Pantelleria had been taken and the President was able to invite the Italians to kick out their fascist rulers and their German "visitors" and make a separate peace--a gesture of military success at the time.
Churchill in Washington
Winston Churchill had come to Washington for conferences on the war in the Pacific, and he and Mr. Roosevelt allayed the then-existing fears on the part of some that we were fighting too much of the war in Europe and not enough in the Pacific. It was argued that Japan had been the first to attack us, and that our natural theatre of war was the Pacific. Mr. Churchill pledged every British ship and British plane to help us in the Pacific, as soon as Hitler and Mussolini had been disposed of in the other principal theatre of the global war.
Up to this time, apart from the Atlantic Charter in 1941, the President had given no blueprint of any post-war plans. In March,1943, he had endorsed the broad principles of a Senate resolution (Ball-Burton-Hill-Hatch) pledging international cooperation to maintain peace after the war, but he implied that the time was not ripe for a detailed statement of the organization.
Yet, international cooperation among the United Nations was under way, with the President as a directing force. He had named his old associate, Herbert H. Lehman, as Director of Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation, and when the Lehman organization began functioning in Africa, in the spring of 1943, as additional territory was reconquered; it was made clear that this help was to be on the basis of international cooperation, not just "hand-outs" from the United States.
An international food conference was held at Hot Springs, Va., with forty-four nations represented, and plans were laid down for future cooperation on the world-wide food problem, both during and after the war.
To aid the prosecution of the war, the President and Mr. Churchill, with their chiefs of staff and many other advisers, held an Anglo-American conference in Quebec. Mr. Roosevelt was there from Aug. 17 to 24, 1943. It was mainly a military conference, but Anthony Eden, British Foreign Secretary, was there, with Secretary Hull, Secretary of War Stimson and Secretary of Navy Knox arriving before the close. Dr. T. V. Soong, Chinese Foreign Minister, attended for two days.
One result of the Quebec conference was that both the American and British Governments announced a qualified recognition of the French Committee of National Liberation as the administrative authority over French colonies in its control.
Meanwhile, in the Mediterranean area, Sicily had been invaded and taken; on Sept. 3, Allied troops had landed on the Italian maintained across from Sicily. In the Pacific, the capture of Kiska Island and the withdrawal of the Japanese from the Aleutians, was followed on Sept. 6 with Gen. Douglas MacArthur opening an offensive on New Guinea to isolate the Lae-Salamaua area.
Italy's unconditional surrender on Sept. 8 was characterized by the President as a great victory for the Allied nations and for the Italian people. No commitments were made to the Ladoglio Government. Italy's declaration of war against Germany was announced jointly on Oct. 13 by Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin.
Joint Communique on Cairo
In the diplomatic field, a conference in Moscow of Secretary Hull and Foreign Ministers Eden and Molotoff in November preceded the long-wished-for conference between Mr. Roosevelt, Mr. Churchill, and Mr. Stalin. Their historic conference at Teheran, the capital of Iran, came immediately after Mr. Roosevelt, Mr. Churchill and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek had conferred outside Cairo from Nov. 22 though Nov. 26.
First news of the Cairo conference was flashed to the world from Lisbon, Portugal, by Reuter, British news agency. This premature announcement brought a protest from Elmer Davis, head of the Office of War Information, but Mr. Davis was forced to make a similar protest a few days later when the Moscow radio broadcast the first definite announcements of the Teheran meeting.
While Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Churchill were secretly at Teheran with Marshal Stalin, a joint communique on the Cairo conference was announced on Dec. 1. The three great powers, the United States, Britain and China, it said, had reached full agreement to press unrelenting war against their brutal enemies by land, sea and air; to renounce all territorial gains for themselves and to strip the Japanese of all Pacific islands seized since 1914; to restore to China the lost lands of Manchuria, Formosa and the Pescadores; to expel Japan from all other territories she had taken by violence and greed; to guarantee the future independence of enslaved Korea, and to persevere in the serious and prolonged operations necessary to procure the unconditional surrender of Japan.
The closely guarded conferences were held at the Mena House, a luxury hotel five miles outside Cairo. It was the first meeting for Generalissimo Chiang with either President Roosevelt or Prime Minister Churchill. The President made the trip by plane, as did the Generalissimo, who was accompanied by Mme. Chiang. The Prime Minister went by ship.
The Teheran conference lasted from Nov. 28 through Dec. 1 and was held at the Russian Embassy in the Iranian capital. Mr. Roosevelt was a guest of Marshal Stalin. It was said to be the first time the marshal had left the Soviet Union since the revolution in 1917. Mr. Churchill stayed at the British Embassy near the Russian Embassy. It was the first meeting between Mr. Roosevelt and Marshal Stalin.
Out of this dramatic meeting came a declaration of the three leaders expressing "our determination that our nations shall work together in the war and in the peace that will follow," and asserting that final plans had been made for the destruction of the German forces. Declaring the attacks would be relentless and increasing, they said that "no power on earth can prevent our destroying the German armies by land, their U-boats by sea and their war plants from the air."
Asserting confidence in "an enduring peace," they said: "We recognize fully the supreme responsibility resting upon us and all the nations to make a peace which will command good-will from the overwhelming masses of the peoples of the world and banish the scourge and terror of war for many generations." They said they would welcome the cooperation of all nations seeking to eliminate tyranny and oppression: "We will welcome them as they may choose to come into the world family of democratic nations."
After Teheran, Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Churchill conferred with President Ismet Inonu of Turkey at Cairo. The three issued a declaration saying that "the closest unity existed between the United States of America, Turkey and Great Britain in their attitude to the world situation." But no change resulted in the Turkish foreign policy.
The President returned to the United States on Dec. 16, having traveled an estimated 25,000 miles since his departure on Nov. 11. He said the conferences had been a success in every way. In a Christmas Eve broadcast he said the four powers had agreed to use force to maintain peace after victory.
Turned to Post-War
Throughout 1944 and the early part of 1945, as America and Allied forces swept through to victory after victory in both Europe and the Pacific, invading France, crossing the Rhine on one side of the world, while carrying the war to Japan's doorstep on the other side, President Roosevelt turned more and more to the diplomacy of the post-war world. Seeing that the second World War was fast approaching its end, at least in its European phase, he began to work out plans to prevent a third world war through international cooperation and collective security in both the political and economic spheres.
Following up the United Nations conferences on world food supplies and on the relief and rehabilitation of liberated areas, which were held in 1943 at Hot Springs, Va., and Atlantic City, N. J., President Roosevelt assumed the leadership in calling the nations of the world together for the United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference at Bretton Woods, N. H., in the summer of 1944, and the International Civil Aviation Conference at Chicago in November and December of the same year.
Whereas the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, organized in Atlantic City, undertook the short-range task of feeding and clothing those war-ravaged peoples who were unable to take care of themselves, and helping them restore their devastated industrial and agricultural plant so that they could support themselves as quickly as possible, the International Monetary Fund and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, blueprinted at Breton Woods, were designed to stabilize world currencies and provide guaranteed loans for long-range reconstruction of world production and the international exchange of goods in the interests of world-wide prosperity.
The aviation conference aimed at world agreement to promote the coming of the future Air Age in a manner to promote the welfare of all countries and minimize the danger of economic rivalries that might threaten the peace of the world in the future. Similar international conferences have been proposed to deal with the problems of world shipping, telecommunications, and foreign trade in general, for the same purposes.
Dumbarton Oaks Parley
The most ambitious of President Roosevelt's post-war projects--to create a world organization to maintain peace and security in place of the League of Nations, and without the mistakes which kept this country out of the League and weakened its influence in the rest of the world--began to take shape when the Dumbarton Oaks conference was held in Washington, D. C., in October, 1944. At this conference the United States, Great Britain, Russia and China drafted proposals for the establishment of a general international organization to maintain peace and security, including a general Assembly, a Security Council, a Court of International Justice and an Economic and Social Council.
Mr. Roosevelt then held the last and most famous of his series of conferences with Prime Minister Churchill and Marshal Stalin--the meeting at Yalta from which emerged the fateful Crimea Declaration of Feb. 11, 1945.
The Crimea Declaration reaffirmed the pledge of the Atlantic Charter for a free world, the Casablanca demand for unconditional surrender by the Axis, and the Teheran strategy of coordinated war against Germany on all fronts.
"It is our inflexible purpose to destroy German militarism and nazism and to insure that German will never again be able to disturb the peace of the world, " the declaration read.
It was decided that the United States, Great Britain, France and Russia would occupy four separate parts of Germany and that each would be responsible for German disarmament and the control of German military and industrial potential in its own area, through an interallied control commission to be located in Berlin.
The big three agreed at Yalta on new boundaries for Poland, giving Russia all Polish territory east of the Curzon Line, compensating Poland with part of East Prussia, other German territory and an outlet to the sea, and providing for a transfer of population. They also agreed on the reconstitution of the Russian-backed Lublin Government with new "democratic" representatives of Poles in exile and at home, and on later free elections to permit the Poles to have a Government of their own choice.
Finally, it was decided to call a United Nations security organization at San Francisco on April 25, 1945, at which the charter of the new world organization would be drawn up along the lines agreed upon at Dumbarton Oaks. France was invited to join the United States, Great Britain, China and Russia in sponsoring the San Francisco Conference, but General de Gaulle, head of the provisional French Government, declined this invitation, and also rejected a bid to meet President Roosevelt at Algiers on the latter's homeward trip. Paris reports indicated the French were irked at having been left out of the Yalta Conference.
Yalta Decision Revealed
Some time after President Roosevelt's return to this country it was revealed that the Yalta Conference had agreed to a proposal by the President on voting procedure in the Security Council, which had been left open Dumbarton Oaks. It had been provided at Dumbarton Oaks that the Security Council should include eleven seats, of which five should be permanent places for the largest powers--the United States, Russia, Great Britain, France and China.
The Yalta decision was that in all pacific settlements no nation could vote in a dispute to which it was a party, but that in all cases that involved the use of military or economic sanctions against an aggressor no action could be taken without unanimous agreement of all permanent members of the council.
This limited veto for the big powers caused considerable criticism among the smaller and middle-sized nations, but President Roosevelt and his colleagues indicated that it was necessary at this time in order to attain united action by the big powers, without which no plan for world organizations was held to be practical.
Another storm of controversy arose over an agreement that the United States would support a Russian demand for three seats in the assembly, and would also ask for three seats for this country, in view of the six seats to be held by the British Commonwealth. This agreement was kept secret. After it leaked out, President Roosevelt announced that the United States would not press its demand for three seats, but would stick to its agreement to support the Russian demand. The Russians based their case on the contention that White Russia and the Ukraine are autonomous republics and deserve independent diplomatic representation, just like the dominions in the British Commonwealth.
The Polish settlement at Yalta also brought severe criticism in this country, especially when the Lublin regime delayed in reconstituting itself in accordance with the terms of the Crimea Declaration, and insisted with Russia's support on representation at San Francisco--a demand which Mr. Roosevelt rejected in one of his final diplomatic acts.
If he had lived, President Roosevelt would have journeyed to San Francisco to preside at the formal opening of the world security conference.
Roosevelt Phrases That Made History
OBITUARY: FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT: PART VII OF VIII
Franklin Delano Roosevelt had a gift for creating striking phrases that lived in the memory of millions of people. Some of his best-known declarations follow:
"I pledge you, I pledge myself, to a new deal for the American people."--From his speech accepting the Democratic nomination for the Presidency before the Democratic National Convention at Chicago, July 2, 1932.
"This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me asset my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance."--From his first inaugural address, March 4, 1933.
"In the field of world policy I would dedicated this nation to the policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others-- the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors."--Also from the first inaugural address.
"I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished."--From his second inaugural address, Jan. 20, 1937.
"The peace, the freedom and the security of 90 per cent of the population of the world is being jeopardized by the remaining 10 per cent who are threatening a breakdown of all international order and law. * * * When an epidemic of disease starts to spread, the community approves and joins in a quarantine of the patients in order to protect the health of the community against the spread of the disease."--From a speech at Chicago, Oct. 5, 1937.
"The Government of Italy has now chosen to preserve what it terms its 'freedom of action' and to fulfill what it states are its promises to Germany. In so doing, it has manifested disregard for the rights and security of other nations, disregard for the lives of the peoples of those nations which are directly threatened by this spread of war; and has evidenced its unwillingness to find the means through pacific negotiations for the satisfaction of what it believes are its legitimate aspirations. On this tenth day of June, 1940, the hand that held the dagger has struck it into the back of its neighbor."--From his address at Charlottesville, Va., on June 10, 1940.
"In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential freedoms. The first if freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world. The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way--everywhere in the world. The third is freedom from want--which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy, peace-time life for its inhabitants-- everywhere in the world. The fourth is freedom from fear--which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a through fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor-- anywhere in the world."--From his annual message to Congress, Jan. 6, 1941.
"Yesterday, Dec. 7, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan."--From his address before a joint session of the Senate and the House of Representatives, Dec. 8, 1941.
"During the past two weeks we have had a great deal of good news and it would seem that the turning point of this war has at last been reached. But this is not time for exultation. There is no time now for anything but fighting and working to win."--From a radio address on Nov. 17, 1942.
"And so today, in this year of war, 1945, we have learned lessons--at a fearful cost--and we shall profit by them.
"We have learned that we cannot live alone, at peace; that our own well-being is dependent upon the well-being of other nations far away. We have learned that we must live as men, and not as ostriches, nor as dogs in the manger.
"We have learned to be citizens of the world, members of the human community."--From his fourth inaugural address, Jan. 20, 1945.
Chronology of Active Life
OBITUARY: FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT: PART VIII OF VIII
Chronology of important events in the life of Franklin Delano Roosevelt follows:
Jan. 30, 1882--Born at family estate, Hyde Park, N.Y.
1904--Graduated from Harvard University.
March 17, 1905--Married Anna Eleanor Roosevelt.
1910--Elected to New York State Senate, his first public office.
1913--Appointed Assistant Secretary of the Navy.
1920--Was the Democratic nominee for the Vice Presidency, as the running mate of James M. Cox.
August, 1921--Stricken with infantile paralysis.
Nov. 6, 1928--Elected Governor of New York State.
Nov. 8, 1932--Elected President of the United States.
March 4, 1933--Inaugurated President.
Nov. 3, 1936--Elected to a second term.
Jan. 20, 1937--Inaugurated for a second term, the first to take office on the new date specified by the Twentieth Amendment.
Nov. 5, 1940--Elected to a third term, shattering a precedent as old as the Republic.
Jan. 20, 1941--Inaugurated for his third term.
Aug. 14, 1941--Issued, jointly with Prime Minister Winston Churchill of Great Britain, an eight- point statement of principles for peace which became know as the Atlantic Charter.
Dec. 8, 1941--Appeared before a joint session of Congress and asked a declaration of war against Japan.
Nov. 28-Dec. 1, 1943--Conferred at Teheran, Iran, with Prime Minister Churchill and Marshall Joseph Stalin of Russia.
Nov. 7, 1944--Elected to fourth term as President.
Jan. 20, 1945--Inaugurated at simple ceremony in Washington.
Feb. 4-11, 1945--Conferred at Yalta, Crimea, with Marshal Stalin and Prime Minister Churchill.
April 12, 1945--Died at Warm Springs, Ga.
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6 March 2007